Gramsci, baby.

In Antonio Gramsci’s “The Formation of Intellectuals”, he explores the different forms of free-thinking intellectuals and how they come to perform a regulatory function in society to prevent the overarching capitalist system from stripping members of the community of their will and ability to think for themselves. However, he also highlights the need for a new form of intellectual for which “technical education…must form the basis…” (1005).

He highlights the existence of two varieties of intellectuals: the organic, a group of individuals which binds together without any express consent to steer society in the right direction politically and economically, and the traditional, whose members’ intellect has been passed down to them, if you will, from preceding generations and “[hold] a monopoly of a number of important services” (1002). After numerous readings, I have come to see that Gramsci condemns the latter variety for their passivity in their societal functions: they are not consciously aware of what they are doing and how they are going to work towards the public good. They look out for the little guy primarily because it is what their predecessors did, unaware of the extent to which their active engagement in the regulation of societal affairs could improve conditions for the faceless worker.

Gramsci calls for an “elite” (1002) to step forward and steer society in the right direction, in terms of both politics and economics. This pushed me to imagine a superhero training facility where a group of viable candidates would be technologically enhanced to take on the struggles and issues that a community faces, but instead of those issues being monsters and rogue scientists and what not, they would refer to the day to day struggles of the middle class workers whose needs are cast aside by the rapid industrialization of society.

Intellectuals supposedly consider themselves “autonomous and independent” (1003) from civil society due to their “uninterrupted historical continuity” and “special qualifications” (1003). This reigned in the superhero metaphor for me once more: These specialized individuals have the remarkable capability to separate themselves from their immediate societal surroundings and keep from blending into a certain period of time of political era. They can think and be freely without being “put down by the man”, almost. This leads to their ability to conjure up the idea of a “social utopia” (1003), where a state of perfect democracy and equality is in play. Gramsci pinpoints these intellectuals as rarities in this ability to separate themselves from the day-to-day goings on and to focus on the big picture instead.

But the stereotypically branded intellectual – the artist, the theorist, the philosopher – is not the only intellectual, though. Gramsci agrees when he states, “All men are intellectuals … but not all men have in society the function of intellectuals” (1004). I cannot be sure, but I feel that he inadvertently blames the capitalist system here for forcing members of society into menial occupations just to be able to continue living a type of lifestyle they have grown accustomed to; many of these people could be out, doing what the big shot intellectuals, but monetary circumstances prevent them from doing so and thus, they are put into these compartments where their input in society is practically negligible.
The one thing that I remain totally confused about is what Gramsci says near the very end of this excerpt: “The democratic-bureaucratic system has given rise to a great mass of functions which are not all justified by the social necessities of production, though they are justified by the political necessities of the dominant fundamental group.” (1007) Does this link back to what was said earlier about the compartmentalization of workers into insignificant quadrants to keep them occupied while a handful of specialized intellectuals handles the “big boy” stuff? Since what these people are doing is “not justified by the social necessities”, what happens to the people carrying out those functions?

If we were to summarize the extract from Gramsci’s “The Prison Notebooks”, would we label it a condemnation of the capitalist system for its degradation of the governed or a calling for the need of a being to fight the system or at least keep it from usurping complete power? Or both?

Comments ( 3 )

  1. Jeff Allred
    Eloquent post that gets an awful lot right and raised good questions, too. To address your last question, the answer is "both": AG gives a theory of how a given social system (e.g., fascist Italy) maintains itself via a "hegemony" that is shored up by the work of allied "intellectuals" (organic and intellectual) to engineer a faux-"spontaneous" consent. Thus priests and academics, for example, lose their haloes to the extent that they are revealed by AG as agents of this hegemony and not really above the fray in any sense. But AG also suggests ways in which intellectuals might inform counter-hegemonic movements and tendencies: for example, via the agency of working-class "organic intellectuals" like AG himself, publishing in workers' newspapers, or via "traditional intellectuals" who (in Edward Said's much later but relevant phrase) "speak truth to power" from their "traditional" institutional perches. To your prior question on p. 1007, AG is a bit opaque here, but the broad point is that a given hegemony strives to find places for seemingly inessential intellectuals, i.e., those who were "overproduced" by the economy/State: thus inefficient State bureaucracies, superfluous departments in schools/colleges, imperialist expansion to give places for educated workers to emigrate and find employment as administrators, etc. In our own moment, it may be the case that the type of the "hipster" entrepreneur, who makes handbags out duct tape (or whatever) speaks to this phenomenon in our own recessionary time, with its overproduction of educated "intellectuals" relative to decent white-collar jobs.
  2. raniahatab
    I believe it's all becoming clearer now! Praise the lord! So the two "branches" of intellectualism, let's call them, are essentially going to square off against each other? The organic intellectuals are the hobbits, and the traditional intellectuals are Morgoth and Sauron and them....? Lastly, you don't just have the ruling and the ruled; you also have this group present in the middle, represented by the traditional intellectual, that works its way down from the governing body to maintain a brand of hegemony particular to that society to maintain peace and order and all that. Is that correct in any way?
    • Jeff Allred
      Well, the orgos and trads are not necessarily in conflict. It all depends upon the particular "conjuncture," in Gramsci's phrase: the way a given historical/political moment convenes groups to maintain or contest a given hegemony. To pick an example close to our hearts, the organic intellectuals of the big bourgeoisie (here, the PR/lobbying wings of the big insurance companies, among others) hammered Clinton's proposed "single payer" health care reform (basically Medicare for everyone). They did this with the support of some "trads" (e.g., much of the Amer Med Assoc; many conservative economists) but against the resistance of others (e.g., many policy experts and liberal economists in academia). To your second point, I'm not sure the "map" of rulers/middle/ruled really works for Gramsci, since hegemony really describes a messier situation in which intellectuals organize the masses' "spontaneous consent" everywhere at once, from "high" socioeconomic areas (think: elite academic institutions; think tanks; philanthropic organizatons) to "low" ones (ordinary people watching TV or going to school).

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